The above Arabic text shows the answer of Mahmoud al-NakouaIn, NTC's representative to London, to the question of "separatism" in Libya.
In an interview with Magazine magazine, as quoted by the website of the Libyan embassy in London (http://ntclibya.org.uk), the honourable writer says the percentage of ethnic or "racial" movements in Libya is "small", and all of which had declared their loyalty to the "nation"; but "they" do need to enjoy some kind of freedom, use "their language" (meaning Berber), and name their children as they wish.
He also said that Gaddafi came in conflict "with them" [meaning with the Berbers] and banned "them" from using "their language" [meaning Tamazight] and "suppressed their culture"; but now "they" are looking forward to "bring out" this aspect of "their" culture which is their "right", and there is no problem regarding this, he says. We do not fear any danger from this side, as Libya has now passed the danger zone, he affirmed.
That was more-or-less the translation of the text in the above image. At first reading, these appear good words, but a closer look at the "terminology" used one cannot escape the old same "story".
The first thing one notices is that most of these Arab writers and speakers never specifically mention "Berber" or "Berbers" by name, and most often they use terms like "them", "they" and "ethnic components" to refer to the native Berbers of Libya [as bracketed above]. The terms Berber and Imazighen are taboos as well as "sensitive issues Libyans rarely talk about".Why?
Secondly, most Libyans already know that the Berbers of Libya have no intention nor have made any demands regarding "separatism" as such. Where did these "accusations" come from? Even if they were made somewhere, they must be "very small", and do not represent the Berbers' demands, at all. The Berbers have always stood united with all Libyans and they have no intention of dividing Libya or any other country for that matter. All this talk of "separatism" and "foreign agendas" is old, very old indeed, and was used before by despots to suppress the true demands of the "persecuted natives" of so many countries from around the world, European ones included. Not to say that "self determination" does not mean "separatism" but unity on equal basis. But that may be too-daring "truth" many see dangerous to uphold. Ask any NTC member to present evidence for these "foreign agendas" and "separatism" and they will give you none. Why?
Honourable leaders and writers ought to refrain from using "unfair" and "untrue" labels, particularly at this critical stage; and one can only agree with the Honourable writer when he called for the need to use "positive" and "good" words to aid solving the issues troubling the Libyan society, and the need for people to read more than write.
But there it seems the usual attempt to "mask" the true demands of the Berbers, simply "official recognition of identity" and "greater freedom to express their unique culture", by labeling them with "separatism" and even "terrorism" (in the case of the Tuareg Berbers), does allure time. Why?
Why not represent the Berbers' demands as they are without taking them out of con-text?
Abubaker Attaloua', the president of Zuwarah's Local Council.
The Berber city of Zuwarah became the first ever city in Libya to organise and hold democratic elections after the liberation of Libya, while they were still fighting to liberate their town alone. The following Libya TV interview (in Berber) speaks to some of the organisers of the elections, including Ashour Almansouri, who pointed out that the NTC should have published guidelines and laws governing the elections in Libya. But due to lack of such guidelines from the government the Zuwarah elections, he said, were a local effort based on the goodwill of the people.
A few months later the NTC did publish the "Election Law Project" but the law was unusually un-numbered and undated! People in Mesratha are still protesting at the Justice Square (رفع-الاعتصام-الدائم-إلى-اعتصام-ثقافي-ب), demanding elections (to elect the local council, "correct the path", and other issue that were a constant source of protests across Libya in the past two months). In fact even the protests started in Benghazi on the 12th of December 2011 are still going in Tree Square, as of January 2012 (اعتصامات-في-ميدان-الشجرة-تدخل-شهرها-ال).
The story of Zuwarah's first elections in New Libya -- in Tamazight
('Berber Language').
Temehu.com has summarised the main points made by each
speaker in English as follows:
Ashour Almansouri had clarified a number of issues regarding the actual procedure:
A vote of 51% is required to declare a winner, and if there was no winner, then the first and the second will go into the second round of elections to decide the final winner.
When he was asked to provide details, he said that a Preparation Committee was first of all selected to organise and prepare for the elections.
Regarding the actual list of the candidates he says originally there were twelve people who put their names forward for the elections, but five withdrew their names later including one woman, just before the elections started.
They set up two polling stations, facing each other, one for men voters and the other for women, he said.
The revolutionaries, he added, demanded extending the elections for another day because many fighters still fighting in the frontline (in liberated Libya), and this they did, and attendance overall he said was "reasonable".
They offered to conduct the counting of votes before the voters themselves, to make sure of the results, but he said most voters declared their loyalty to and trust in the Committee, and that even those who did not vote were happy with the results -- amazing.
The winner was Dr. Abubaker Ibrahim Attaloua', who secured a majority of 63.48 % of the vote.
But the total number of people who voted was only 1585 voters -- hardly a democratic representation of Zuwarah -- just over 3% of the population of Zuwarah (according to the outdated census).
When he was asked if the elections can be repeated to allow more people the chance to take part, he replied by saying that the election stations continued to be open in the second day until there were no voters outside, and that the winner will remain the head of the council until the transitional period of the NTC comes to an end.
Zuwarah's Libya's First Elections.
Muneer Bosaoud says that the idea of the elections goes back to the Crisis Council that was set up in Djerba, in Tunisia, by the Berbers of Zuwara to assist during the war for freedom. After the presumed liberation the members of the Crisis Council returned to Zuwarah; many of whom resigned from the council because Libya was declared liberated, and because, they said, a new council should be formed to represent the whole of Zuwarah and not just a few self-appointed activists.
The remaining five members immediately began debating the idea of holding an election in Zuwarah to elect a democratic council to represent the whole community of Zuwarah.
The names of the remaining team are as follows: Muneer Abosaoud, Salim Mousa, Sha'ban Bosaoud, Othman Rwiha, and Salah Sha'ban Senusi.
They prepared their plan and then took it to Adel Alkhallas, who represented legitimate authority in Zuwarah at the time, Muneer said, and requested from him to work with them.
The committee included two representatives from each of the various civil components of the Berber society including two from the February Revolutionaries -- all men, without a single woman.
The whole operation was executed with speed, he adds, because the previous members of the Crisis Council who resigned left a "vacuum" in administration, which they felt needed to fill immediately. This may explain the very low number of voters who turned up to vote, or is the cause of the low turnout to begin with! It seems that everything, like elsewhere, done in a hurry under the pretext of urgency and in realty progress is deadly slow!
Muneer emphasised the transparency issue, and added that the councils of Tripoli, Mesratha and Tajura had also demanded similar elections, and it is an honour for all of us for others to follow the experiment of Zuwarah if it succeeds.
Fawzi Elmeskhout however was positively critical and to the point:
He says first of all we must know that Zuwarah has not been liberated like other Libyan towns and cities because it is surrounded by the so-called "Black Crescent" -- in reference to the Arab villages surrounding Zuwarah, almost all of which are still supporting Gaddafi (nearly three months after liberation); but it is an honour, he adds, that Zuwarah had "lifted our heads high" for being the first in Libya to hold democratic elections.
Khaled Ftis moreover provides more information about the elected council, which slightly differ from Muneer's statement:
Khaled said they did select a council, and that the members of the council were elected to advise the president of the council (Dr. Abubaker) and work with him for the benefit of all; but no one took any notice of them. The elected head Dr. Abubaker Attaloua', he adds, acts alone, making his own decisions, without any regard to the other members of the council, and that he has no administration and is influenced and directed from outside!
He said that the fact that we have organised the first elections in Libya is a clear sign that we are not "secluding" ourselves and that we are not "negative" as we have been criticised by others.
He also pointed out the need to translate what the Berbers debate in Tamazight to Arabic, so that all Libyans can understand what the Berbers are talking about. This is a valid point often overlooked by the current government of Libya, as it made no attempt to educate the Arabs of Libya about the true identity of the Berbers in Libya, about their Libyan culture, and about the persecution they endured under the previous regimes. The NTC needs to supervise the democratic debate over the Berber crisis.
shown by the green flags representing the Arab areas still loyal to Gaddafi, as of January 2012.
The Black Crescent:
Most Libyans and international media institutions speak about Libya being liberated, some three months ago. But many Berbers from Zuwarah say their city is not liberated yet, as the Arab loyalists of the "Black Crescent" still fly the green flag, and as they are still to this day (January 2012) being attacked by Gaddafi's loyalists still surrounding the Berbers (unofficial) capital Tamort ('Zuwarah'). So what is the story?
The Black Crescent refers to the area surrounding Zuwarah from all land sides -- east, south and west, from Lajilat and all the way to the Tunisian border. The only safe side is the sea, obviously. This area is inhabited by Arab Bedouin tribes who still are loyal to Gaddafi and his vanished regime. A number of fights took place between the Arabs and the Berbers before and after the liberation day, as they still take place today, albeit not reported internationally as they were early on during the bombing campaign!
After rebel forces from Nafousa, Zuwarah, Zawiya and Mesratha captured Tripoli, some of Gaddafi's remaining units fled to the Crescent area, where they remained, practically unchallenged by the NTC. The people of Zuwarah say the loyal units attacking them were initially commanded by Saadi Gaddafi (now in Niger) and Alkhwildi Alhamidi from Lajilat (at the eastern tip of the crescent).
On the 24th of August 2011 they began shelling the town of Zuwarah as well as the seaport of Zuwarah. Anees al Fonas, a member of the rebel media council from Zuwara, has reported that rockets and mortars continued to be fired from the nearby towns of Zelten, Riqdalin and Ejmeil "for the last 24 hours, nonstop". At least 8 civilians were killed and many more were wounded. One civilian was killed on Monday by a rocket which landed on the roof of his house, and four others were injured. But somehow the Zuwarah rebel forces eventually succeeded in seizing Mazraq al-Shams army base and even took the fight to Ejmeil and Regdalin.
Ras Ejdir crossing was closed and barbed wire set up along the border. However, on the 27th of August 2011 Zuwarah rebels took control of Ras Ejdir border point with Tunisia, after fighting with government loyalists, who fled back to the safe haven of the Black Crescent. Both flags, the Berber and independence flags, were raised over the border point.
Many Berber revolutionaries and members of Zuwarah's local council had openly criticised both NATO and the NTC for not doing enough to enforce the "protection of civilians" as called for by the UN mandate. They have sent coordinates to NATO, but no bombers arrived. They were left alone. Reinforcements from nearby Sabratha could not reach Zuwarah because Gaddafi forces were in control of the area between the two towns (the crescent part between Ejmeil and Lajilat).
On the 6th of October 2011 at least three more missiles hit Zuwarah, two landed in the sea and the other on an empty house. The missiles were fired by Gaddafi's loyalists from the Regdalin area. Three days later the battle was still raging, with both sides sustaining more casualtuies. Reports from Zuwarah said at least 15 Gaddafi loyalist and two fighters from Zuwarah were killed, but the true figure could be much more. On the 8th of October 2011 another rocket landed in Zuwarah, but luckily the occupants of the destroyed house were in Tunisia at the time. Even after Liberation, rockets and missiles continued to fall on civilian homes in Zuwarah, when others were celebrating the liberation of libya and the completion of NATO's mission "with precision". The Berbers defended themselves and a full battle broke out again.
To avoid escalating the conflict into a full tribal war, Arabs against Berbers, it was decided to bring a military force from Mesratha to keep the two sides apart. But even though the force did succeed in wearing down the resistance after a series of battles and bringing the situation under control, the Berbers continued to be attacked whenever they ventured inland in an attempt to visit their farms. The Mesratha force stayed in place until last week (first week of January 2012), when they suddenly left the area, thereby leaving Zuwarah without any protection, once more. This means that Zuwarah now remains unprotected and heavily surrounded by Gaddafi loyalists who still fly the green flag in liberated Libya.
Ever since whenever the Berbers attempted to reach their farms (located all around the Arab villages), they came under attack by the Arabs of Ejmeil and Regdalin. Their cars were either smashed or stolen; they were beaten up and robbed, and left to flee home. With Mesratha rebels back at home, understandably, one can only continue to live in fear and terror when others already sharing the spoils of Liberated Libya and compiling glossy reports at the Roxis Hotel.
Many Berbers left for Tunisia after living conditions became impossible due to the UN harsh sanctions, the scorching heat of summer sun, and the war, with the shops empty and the economy under siege, those who stayed often drive to nearby Tunisia for shopping, and to visit friends. But most often there too they get attacked by the loyalists living inside Tunisia (at the end of the western edge of the crescent), and even by Tunisians themselves. In the way back they get ambushed by Regdalin's loyalists and loose everything, and go back to Zuwarah empty handed once again.
The frequent attacks took place near the border and near Bengerdan, in Zukra, where they were stopped, their money taken, and their cars broken -- almost the exact revenge attacks seen at the heart of the crescent and further east, while the green flag was seen waving on top of lamp posts (inside Tunisia). Eventually the revolutionaries of Zuwarah decided in early December to defend themselves against the loyalists, as they did before liberation day, since there was no other law authority in sight at the strategic border between the two turbulent countries nor in or around the Black Crescent; leading to a shooting incident and trouble erupting now and then.
Zuwarah Media Centre.
Zuwarah Police Station speaking of the attacks in Tunisia, 31 December 2011.
The official reaction to all of this is perhaps summed up by Libya's new ambassador in Tunis, who warned that there are those individuals who want to create divisions between Libya and Tunisia -- as if Libya and Tunisia were one and united country! Both authorities eventually intervened and closed down the border point for two weeks. On the 15th of December the border was reopened after an agreement was reached between the Libyan army and the Tunisian authorities. The new Libyan army has now taken control over the border points at Ras Ejdir and Dehiba.
However, two weeks later, on the 31st of December 2011, the last day of the last year, Berber citizens from Zuwarah were once again attacked inside Tunisia by Tunisians and Gaddafi loyalists, near Bengerdan. They were stopped while driving through (road blocks), hit with stones, their money and property taken, and their cars smashed or even taken. The victims now have no option but to report the attacks to Zuwarah's Police Station; the station passes on the messages; then no one hears anything, except the new reports that continue to arrive in and from Zuwarah.
The NTC made an obligation early on, and according to this obligation the NTC is urged to send an official Libyan army unit to this volatile zone to ensure the protection of Berber civilians of Zuwarah by all necessary means. It is indeed the irony of the UN that its mandate to end the "Protection of Civilians" came so soon when war was still going on in so many parts of Libya and when civilians were killed, missiles blasted, and homes shelled with rockets. To read more about Zuwarah, the unofficial capital of the Berbers of Libya, please visit: http://www.temehu.com/Cities_sites/Zwara.htm
United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples
The United Nations General Assembly Declaration calls for member states, the
states already enjoying the benefits of the declaration, to respect the full human
rights of persecuted indigenous minorities (and majorities in the case of
Morocco) including the rights to "self-determination", "self-government",
and "nationality".
The Declaration
affirms that "all
doctrines, policies and practices based on or advocating superiority of peoples
or individuals on the basis of national origin or racial, religious, ethnic or
cultural differences are racist,
scientifically false, legally invalid, morally condemnable and socially unjust".
Why then is it right the principles of justice apply only to certain peoples who are often the colonisers, my dear declared friends, while at the same time the persecuted ones are always the helpless and law-abiding uncitizens? Good question some might say, but who has the answer, and who masterminded the "question"?
The Declaration of course is not a legally binding document under international law; but it does however "represent the dynamic development of international legal norms [and all that] and it reflects the [recommended] commitment of the UN's member states to move [on] in certain [future] directions". Needless to say, the UN "hopes" the declaration will set an "international standard", a kind of precedent, for the treatment of indigenous peoples, the ancient humans who brought all of us onto this earth, and for "thank you" the offspring kill them, in so many ways.
The first "resolution
1/2 " was passed on the 29th of June 2006; but it was not until the 13th
of September 2007 that the resolution was voted on during the General Assembly's
61st regular session. Some countries were not happy with the implications
-- the complications of "foreign agendas". 143 countries voted in favour, four
against, 11 abstained, and 34 were absent.
The four countries that voted against the Declaration are: United States,
Australia, Canada and New Zealand, all of which were originally recent European
colonies, and all of which have a large number of indigenous minorities! Thousands
of native American languages were still in existence when the colonisers arrived,
but now the number is reduced to a mere few hundreds -- still very large in
comparison to one ruling foreign language, and a good sign of the kind of protection
they were afforded. However, all four countries have moved to endorse the declaration.
The declaration affirms that "indigenous peoples are equal to all
other peoples, while recognizing the right of all peoples to be different, to
consider themselves different, and to be respected as such".
The Declaration is hoped to "enhance harmonious and cooperative relations
between the State and indigenous peoples, based on principles
of justice, democracy, respect for human rights, non-discrimination and
good faith."
Article 1:
"Indigenous peoples have the right to the full enjoyment, as a collective
or as individuals, of all human rights and fundamental freedoms as recognized
in the Charter of the United Nations, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights
and international human rights law."
Article 2:
"Indigenous peoples and individuals are free and equal to all other peoples
and individuals and have the right to be free from any kind of discrimination,
in the exercise of their rights, in particular that based on their indigenous
origin or identity."
Article 3:
"Indigenous peoples have the right to self-determination. By virtue of that
right they freely determine their political status and freely pursue their economic,
social and cultural development."
Article 4:
"Indigenous peoples, in exercising their right to self-determination,
have the right to autonomy or self-government in
matters relating to their internal and local affairs, as well as ways and means
for financing their autonomous functions."
Article 5:
"Indigenous peoples have the right to maintain and strengthen their distinct
political, legal, economic, social and cultural institutions, while retaining
their right to participate fully, if they so choose,
in the political, economic, social and cultural life of the State."
Article 6:
"Every indigenous individual has the right to a nationality".
Article 7:
"1. Indigenous individuals have the rights to life, physical and mental
integrity, liberty and security of person."
"2. Indigenous peoples have the collective right to live in freedom, peace
and security as distinct peoples and shall not be subjected to any act
of genocide or any other act of violence, including forcibly removing children
of the group to another group."
Article 8:
"1. Indigenous peoples and individuals have the right not
to be subjected to forced assimilation or destruction of their culture."
Article 9:
"Indigenous peoples and individuals have the right
to belong to an indigenous community or nation, in accordance with the
traditions and customs of the community or nation concerned. No discrimination
of any kind may arise from the exercise of such a right."
Why take things out of proportion at this volatile stage when simple recognition
of identity is the "magic word" ?
First of all, Libya needs peace and all Libyans need to know that only peace
can defeat war. But Libyans have a problem to effect "diligent dialogue",
and that is "lack
of definitions", "lack
of understanding"
and "lack
of democratic experience", resulting from the various dictatorships imposed
upon them -- always by force, of course. "Words"
no longer mean what they mean, terms occasionally hijacked
to meet political ends, transparency is invisible, and some media stories edited to achieve desired public
opinions.
Berber protesters during the revolution were rightly hailed "revolutionaries" and "lions
of Nafousa", but now they were sent back to
being the "agents
of foreign agendas". Why this sudden and sad change when
the people remained the same and still are "shaken", "disoriented",
and "healing their deepest wounds"? There is no need to condemn "protesters" because
without protests many of these defected leaders would have remained loyal to
Gaddafi, and therefore "protesting" is
a healthy sign of democracy the NTC ought to encourage and respond to positively.
In theory, the NTC did welcome the protesters' cries for "transparency", "published policies" and "equal representation in the transitional government". But in practice, whenever Libyan revolutionaries and ordinary citizens demonstrate or protest, they were labelled by all sorts of names, including "sleeper cells" (still loyal to the old regime of Gaddafi), "agents to sabotage the revolution" (just like Gaddafi had said before), and, of course, the historic "agents of foreign agendas" (used by various dictators to suppress the voices of their own people). The conflict is within and not outside. Tens of thousands of protesters took to the streets of Benghazi, whom we all know they are not Berbers, demanding "transparency" and "clear policy" from the NTC among other things.
All Libyans need to know that the Berbers fully support the NTC and what it represents, as they have always called for justice, freedom, dignity and loving peace. The NTC must rest assured that the Berbers took a leading role in the revolution and that they will continue supporting the "revolution" for "dignity", "independence" and "freedom". This however must not be confused with revolution for "integration", "disappearance" and "inclusion".
Mr. Abdel Jalil in the above video
does not provide any evidence for the alleged foreign link between the
"foreign powers" (presumably the same as the foreign forces he cooperated with during the operation
that saw at least 30,000 Libyans dead) and the "Berber activists" (who
have been peacefully demanding no more than their basic human rights). Where
is the evidence for this foreign agenda?
Nonetheless, the honourable leader did make the inflammatory and unnecessary comments, which everyone
agrees serve no positive purpose. He starts
by telling his Berber brothers and protesters (mentioning Suleiman
Dogha by name) that "in
Libya we have three authorities: judicial, legislative and executive, and that
the highest judicial post was given to the Amazigh
[Imazighen]." This is a reference to the appointment of judge
Kamal Dehan, a Berber from Zuwarah, as the Supreme Judge in Libya. Mustafa Abdel
Jalil visited Zuwarah late in the evening of the 11th of September and thanked
the people and the "revolutionaries" of Zuwarah for
their participation in the "revolution", and also informed them of
the appointment of Kamel Dehhan as the head of the Libyan High Court.
Secondly, Mr. Abdel Jalil, likewise Prime Minister
el-Keib, so far has managed to avoid speaking about the
issue of constitutionalising Tamazight "identity" and "language" as
the primary cause of the protests,
and instead easily criticised the ministerial demands of the Berber protesters
as "euphoric
reactions"
deviated from "the path" and activated by "foreign
political agenda" from outside
Libya (video, minute: 1:30). It would have been more reasonable if the NTC came out, met the people, and exercised the benefits of democracy by explaining to people the issues at hand. Cannot we talk first before we start arguing or even fighting? Aren't we supposed to walk before we run?
The NTC needs to, first of all, organise debates and conferences across Libya to discuss what the Libyans themselves need and should do about the Berbers and about the Arabs, as well as discuss all the other more important issues; and only then one can find out what the people want, which the NTC says is exactly its objective. They need to educate all Libyans about all the real components of the Libyan society and learn to live with them; equally dignified we hope.
One is tempted to wonder if this is a deliberate deviation from the
true cause of the protests to label the Berber "revolution"
for justice and freedom as a "separatist movement" that must "disappear", or it was an error of judgement! For example, the Berber Tuareg of Libya, Niger and Mali have been labeled
as "terrorists", "bandits", "traffickers", "greens" and "slave
masters", when
in reality most of them are just Berbers. Add to them the Berbers of Nafousa
and Zuwarah as agents of foreign forces and you have a complete
categorisation of the entire Berber tribes, like Gaddafi had said, as "enemies
of the revolution". What did they do or say to deserve this persecution at this regional level? What did they ask for? Constitutional
recognition of their language and identity, freedom of expression, official representation, sharing the wealth, etc. One would assume all these constitute proper grounds for revolution, but ambiguously they do not when it comes to the Berbers or many other indigenous peoples!
Of course, there is
always the possibility of misunderstanding, since the "definition" principle implies "Arab
Revolution"
from the Arab perspective; the Berbers should not have a perspective of their
own, and should not have an identity of their own; and hence they should "integrate", he says -- presumably "integration
into another's freedom".
A kind of sub-freedom or semi-human state, expected from "good
Berbers", who, Abdel Jalil adds, are "his friends". But
those Berbers who speak for "unconditional freedom" (which his ethnic
group Fully enjoy with the "aid of foreign powers" and the implied UN mandate)
must "disappear",
he says.
He also said they had meetings
with "intelligent Berbers" over the Berbers'
rights and that only time will show the services "will be" provided
for them in the future; but those who are calling for constitutional recognition
and are manipulated by foreign agendas have left the meeting room, and those
he too says have "his
amnesty". Merciful mother knows most Libyans agree that those are "harsh comments" that could have been avoided for the common good, and that addressing the Berbers' and the Arabs' demands directly with them would have been the ideal way to lead forward out of Libya's darkest period in history. What do you think?
This means that we now have been divided into two classes of Berbers:
"intelligent Berbers" (who will be rewarded later); and "foreign
agents" (who
must "disappear") -- not an intelligent catalyst to restore peace to
a war-torn society. Why cannot the honourable Leader tell his people right now
what "services
will be provided later to the Berbers" ?
Why has no one so far from the NTC had the courage to address the issue of "constitutionalising
Tamazight" in the open?
All Berbers are
strongly urged to remain united with their Arab and Tebu brothers and sisters, as they have always been, and resist all attempts to divide. Libya must stay united for freedom and justice (for all Libyans) and uphold the principles of the Uprising for the good of Mother Libya -- only One Libya. They must do this peacefully and only through "diligent dialogue"; nothing else. If others would like to spread negative rumours about the Berbers then that is up to them; they are free after all to express how they feel; they should not be afraid to bring their fears to the open; they should be who they are, as that is exactly what all Libyans want to see: to get to know the NTC.
The NTC leader also advised the Berbers to avoid "seclusion",
despite their "exclusion" by his draft
constitution and despite the Berbers' main demand being "inclusion", in the first place; which he refuses not only to provide but even to "talk about" in the open. Apply
the
"definition" principle to the above red-coloured words and the problem
the Libyans need to peacefully resolve begins to take shape. Why take things
out of proportion at this volatile stage when simple recognition of identity & unity is the "magic word" ?
